By Abuja Advocates for Equity and Justice Forum
As political activities gradually gather momentum ahead of the 2027 general elections, a familiar yet increasingly urgent debate has resurfaced in Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT): the question of equity, fairness, and rotational representation in the senatorial seat.
At the centre of this renewed conversation is a growing call by stakeholders—particularly from the Abuja South axis, comprising Abaji, Gwagwalada, Kuje, and Kwali Area Councils—for what they describe as a long-overdue opportunity to produce the next senator representing the FCT.
Since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999, the FCT has been represented in the Senate by a mix of indigenous and non-indigenous politicians. Among them are Khairat Abdulrazaq Gwadabe, Isah Maina, Usman Jibrin Wowo, Sidi Ali, Philip Aduda, and the incumbent, Ireti Heebah Kingibe.
A closer look at their tenures reveals a pattern that has now become the basis for agitation. While early representation rotated relatively evenly—with Khairat Gwadabe and Isah Maina serving four years each—later developments altered the balance significantly.
The emergence of Philip Aduda, who represented the Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC)/Bwari axis—commonly referred to as Abuja North—marked a turning point. Aduda held the senatorial seat for 12 consecutive years, the longest tenure in the history of FCT representation in the Senate.
In contrast, indigenous representatives from Abuja South, such as Usman Jibrin Wowo and Sidi Ali, served significantly shorter terms—approximately one year and three years respectively. Collectively, their tenure amounts to about four years, a disparity that has become a rallying point for proponents of zoning.
Beyond geography, the debate intersects with the sensitive issue of indigeneity in the FCT. Although the capital is constitutionally designated as a territory belonging to all Nigerians, indigenous communities—largely concentrated in Abuja South—have continued to demand greater inclusion in political representation.
Analysts note that while three of the six senators since 1999 are considered indigenous, their cumulative time in office falls short when compared to their counterparts from Abuja North or non-indigenous backgrounds.
“The issue is not just about who has served, but how long and from where,” a political observer in Abuja noted. “Equity, in this context, is both geographical and cultural.”
The debate has placed the spotlight on the All Progressives Congress (APC), whose internal philosophy emphasizes fairness, justice, and inclusivity.
Supporters of Abuja South’s agitation argue that the party’s credibility will be tested by its willingness to reflect these principles in its candidate selection process. They point to the APC’s broader reliance on zoning and political balancing as a mechanism for managing Nigeria’s diversity.
“There is a moral obligation on the APC to translate into action,” a party chieftain said. “Anything short of that could trigger internal dissent and electoral backlash.”
Complicating the situation is the current political configuration within the FCT. The APC state chairman is widely believed to be from Abuja North, a factor some stakeholders interpret as strengthening the case for micro-zoning the senatorial ticket to the southern axis.
Equally significant is the role of the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, whose influence looms large in the evolving political landscape. Since his appointment, Wike has been credited with accelerating infrastructure development and initiating reforms in traditional institutions across the territory.
While his performance has attracted commendation, political watchers believe his stance could be decisive in shaping the APC’s 2027 strategy in the FCT.
“There is an expectation that the minister, given his emphasis on order and structure, would support a balanced arrangement,” another analyst observed. “Endorsing Abuja South could consolidate political gains and foster unity.”
The FCT remains strategically important—not only as Nigeria’s capital but also as a politically competitive territory. In recent elections, opposition parties have made notable inroads, often capitalizing on internal divisions within dominant parties.
Advocates of zoning warn that ignoring the equity argument could deepen fractures within the APC and create openings for rivals. Conversely, conceding the ticket to Abuja South, they argue, could galvanize grassroots support and improve the party’s electoral prospects in 2027.
Ultimately, the debate over who produces the next FCT senator reflects a broader tension in Nigerian politics—the delicate balance between merit, inclusivity, and political pragmatism.
Adding another layer to the conversation is the current distribution of federal appointments, which critics argue is skewed toward Abuja North, including the ministerial position.
Although the Nigerian Constitution does not mandate zoning, the practice has evolved into an unwritten principle for managing the country’s complex diversity. In the FCT—where questions of identity, ownership, and belonging remain deeply rooted—the stakes are particularly high.
As 2027 approaches, the decision before political actors, especially within the APC, goes beyond candidate selection. It is a defining moment that will test their commitment to fairness, equity, and justice.
For many in Abuja South, the message is unequivocal: the time for inclusion is now. Whether that demand translates into political reality remains to be seen.
Arewa Times 